D. Carlton Rossi

Social Unrest




The Land of Darkness and Injustice

There were a few lines of news published on the internet of December 03, 2003 which might easily have been overlooked. This date was about a month after the court sentence of Sun Dawu to time served and probation. Sun was notified by the Central Party School that he had won third place in a competition which honored  entrepreneurs for their contribution  to solve rural problems. Sun expressed gladness for the award because he believed that what he had been doing what was in line with the reforms carried out by the central government. However, the author is unaware of his opinion concerning the local government when three days after his release it expressed the view to let bygones be bygones. It appears to the author that Xushui officials had become bygones of a bygone era.
The award had been decided by a jury consisting of scholars from the rural research institute of the Central Party School. Also, on the jury, were leaders from the provinces of Anhui, Guangdong, Henan, Hubei, Hunan, Jilin, Shandong and Zhejiang. Significantly, there were no representatives from Hebei which was the home province of the Dawu Group. 
However, in 2015, rural land issues are still perhaps the most difficult and important problems to solve in the transition from collective to private ownership. To some extent the problems also vary throughout China. Sun has warned that “Farmers cannot be said to enjoy human rights unless they enjoy property rights”.

The ownership issue recently came to the forefront in the pear orchards of Dawu Group. Last year, Dawu Group established its sixteenth business. There were four hundred mu of orchards involved.  If memory serves me correctly the purchase involved 12 million yuan. These kinds of pears are large, round and firm. The Chinese like to present boxes of them for Spring Festival and at other holiday times and occasions.  The company’s plan was also to establish a juice industry.

However, serious social unrest erupted in the pear orchards of Dawujituan Gaoyang in Baoding, Gaoyang beginning on August 25th, 2015. It involved hundreds of villagers.Walls were torn down. Pears were looted. Women and the elderly carried off the pears in bags. The looting lasted for several days. The police were called many times.  

Managers of Dawujituan Gaoyang were at a loss to explain the cause of the looting. Afterall, negotiations had concluded with a successful agreement a year earlier. The villagers had also been given the rights to purchase the pears at wholesale. It seems that many wanted the pears for free—perhaps believing this was their right on village collective land.  
Sun Dawu was saddened by these developments.

It seemed that the lack of harmony stemmed from the contradiction between the collective and private concepts of rural land. As a result, he has proposed a five-point plan to resolve some of these complex and varied issues at the grass roots level in a paper called The Land of Darkness and Injustice.  “Allowing farmers to undertake market-oriented land transfers and transactions whether they involve households or individuals will be able to eliminate most of the darkness and injustice, promote social harmony and promote rapid and healthy development of the rural economy.

D. Carlton Rossi
October 1, 2015

1. Contest Award Creates a Dilemma for Officials, December 03, 2003, SCMP     
2.  Sun Dawu, The Land of Darkness and Injustice


Chinese Entrepreneur Responds to Arrest of Rights Lawyers

By Sun Dawu,  published: July 24, 2015

Mr. Sun Dawu (孙大午) is a farmer-turned-businessman, and in 2003 he was accused by the government of running an illegal credit cooperative among farmers in Hebei province. His case was one of the landmark cases taken on by rights lawyers when this group of legal professionals were just emerging. Dr. Xu Zhiyong (许志永) wrote, in his 2003 essay The "Illegal" Life of Private Enterprise: Defending Sun Dawu,” “providing legal assistance to Sun Dawu is not merely about helping Mr. Sun himself; we are also helping many entrepreneurs who find themselves in similar positions, helping to create a better environment for our nation’s private enterprises to survive and develop, and helping to further the development of reform. We are willing to work hard and serve as legal volunteers promoting social change.” – The Editors

Sun Dawu (孙大午)

On May 27, 2003, I got a call from a deputy chairman of the Xushui (河北徐水) County People’s Consultative Congress. He told me the new county party secretary had invited me to lunch at the Hongyan Hotel. As soon as I got to the hotel, I was taken away by plainclothes police. This might not qualify as terror.

My company reported news of my detention to my brother Erwu and my deputy Liu Ping, who were more than 400 km away in Handan () on an inspection tour. When they finished up their inspection and hurried back, they were arrested at the highway exit. That doesn’t qualify as terror either.

When my younger brother Sun Zhihua learned that his two older brothers had been arrested and went to the public security bureau to make an inquiry, he, too, was arrested. That’s not terror either.

Then how about afterwards, when dozens of police cars (including official government vehicles), hundreds of police and government officials locked up the Dawu Group and seized more than 20 people, took away computers, and pried open safes—does this count as terror?

Even worse than that was when a warrant was issued for my wife and friends had to help her escape by hiding in the trunk of a car. Or when the police wanted to take away my eldest son Sun Meng and my mother, who’s in her 80s, stood in front of the police car saying: “You’ve arrested my three sons, can’t you leave me one grandson? You’ll have to run me over first.”

If Sun Dawu is the one who committed a crime, why did they need to arrest so many other people? What effect were they trying to achieve by making the atmosphere so terrifying? Did they want to destroy people’s will? It makes me think of the way the Manchus or the Japanese devils acted when they invaded China. Once the army has already surrendered and the city has fallen, why do you have to massacre unarmed civilians? They’re trying to destroy people’s will to resist, to make people recoil in terror and live in humiliation, like lowly insects.

A couple of days ago, I read the news that lawyer Yang Jinzhu (杨金柱), whom I do not know) was making the long trip to Beijing to defend lawyer Zhou Shifeng (周世). Yang said that if he was arrested for this, he would go on hunger strike and die like a martyr. Meanwhile, some lawyers and scholars who have been courageous in the past have kept silent. Jiang Ping and Mao Yushi have both spoken up, but they’ve indicated that they are fearful and a bit despondent. I also feel this way. The terror comes from being afraid, from knowing that one is innocent but that one must bear the responsibility of being convicted. What’s so strange is not knowing when or how one might be punished or how serious the punishment might be. These are all unknowns, and terror comes from the unknown!

In the space of only a few days, more than a hundred lawyers were suddenly arrested, taken in for questioning, or given warnings. This has created an atmosphere of terror throughout society. Even if a few lawyers have committed mistakes, there’s no need to arrest lawyers by the dozens or even hundreds. And the lawyers who have been arrested are mostly those who speak up for vulnerable groups or speak out about sensitive cases.

In my case back in 2003, the Dawu Group (大午集) benefited from the help of three dedicated lawyers who came to our defense. At a moment when we were suddenly faced with great calamity, our managers and employees were able to remain steadfast in the midst of that atmosphere of terror because they could seek the assistance of these lawyers and get some moral support. If we had gone to the public security bureau for help, they would have kept locking us up one after another. We could have gone to the procuratorate, but they even wanted to arrest my wife. How about the courts? They were all set to hand down a swift and heavy sentence!

Without the help of our lawyers, I don’t know whether there would even be a Dawu Group today. Whether the Dawu Group committed any crimes will be a question for history to decide—the facts are there to see. No matter what, at the time it was a sensitive case. Thanks to the help of our lawyers and support from the public, the Dawu Group was able to weather the storm and become the company we are today, with more than 3000 employees. If we had been sentenced to an actual prison term, the company would have collapsed. What good would that have done society?

I’m also reminded of the violent actions of people like Yang Jia (杨佳) and Hu Wenhai (胡文海 ). If they had had lawyers petitioning and protesting on their behalf, would it have moderated their situations at all? In other words, would it have helped to reduce these types of violent crimes? If we eliminate people with different opinions and get rid of these rights lawyers, when there are sensitive cases in the future and the public falls silent, won’t that be the beginning of an era when everyone is muzzled? Won’t these violent crimes escalate into a violent revolution? Doesn’t the Communist Party’s own revolutionary history demonstrate how successful revolutions begin like this?

I’m a businessman. I don’t want to see violent crime turn into violent revolution. I want social stability and the ability to resolve problems in a lawful and orderly fashion.

In his final court statement in 2001, Hu Wenhai said: “I have always aspired to be an honest and decent person. To this end, I have continually worked hard to realize my goals. However, in recent years one village cadre after another has been corrupt and tyrannized the people, dividing up the more than 4 million yuan our village coal mines and other enterprises were forced to hand over to them. I and other villagers went to the relevant departments to file complaints, all to no result. The public security bureau, the procuratorate, and officials at all levels gave us the cold shoulder and ignored us. . . . But you want us to discuss things rationally with them? Who is going to take care of things for us? I went to file a report with the police and those civil servants who only know about drawing their salaries swaggered about their car worth 300,000 yuan but did absolutely no work on the case and even colluded with the village officials to tyrannize the people. . . . I could only answer violence with violence, and I have no regrets!”

To this day, these words can still make a deaf man hear and a blind man see!

Corrupt officials and people with special privileges don’t believe in the law and won’t care one bit whether or not there are lawyers. They live and die by the party organization. But ordinary people want their society to be well ordered. In the past, when they had an economic dispute, a divorce, or were involved in some criminal violation, they might have gone looking for connections or someone powerful to protect them. Now, the first thing people will think of is getting help from a lawyer. This is social progress and represents ordinary people’s awakening!

I don’t know when being a lawyer started to become such a risky profession. Two of my three lawyers from back in 2003 have since been arrested. Zhu Jiuhu was released, but Xu Zhiyong is still in prison. The third, Zhang Xingshui, has turned to Buddhism.

When I read lawyer Yang Jinzhu’s statement on his way to Beijing, I truly worried that he too would wind up in jail. So I would like to issue the following statement of my own: I will not financially support Yang Jinzhu, but I will give financial support in the amount of 100,000 yuan to the next lawyer who steps up to defend Yang Jinzhu.

It is agonizing and discouraging to see these lawyers heroically go forward one after another, and it makes one want to cry out for help. After all, there is still some conscience left in society. But when we are faced with terror, what can we ordinary people do? Opening one’s eyes in horror and letting out a cry is both animal instinct and what remains of modern people’s conscience. Even more, it is the last recourse of humans seeking to survive—the freedom that comes from being without terror!

In 2003, people surmised that I had been arrested because of things I’d said. I hope that saying these words now will not bring me or the Dawu Group trouble again. But if I must be punished for the things I’ve said above, it’s enough to punish me only. Punishing me as an individual is not terror!

China Change Organization

July 24, 2015

Reproduced courtesy and permission of The Editors

Translated by volunteers of China Change Organization


The ‘Illegal’ Life of a Private Enterprise: Defending Sun Dawu

by Dr. Xu Zhiyong


The Year of Two Suns

Sun began rebuilding Dawu Group.  In 2004, Sun established China’s first Family Business Constitution with elections. He undertook extensive travel to give speeches on the invitation of various groups, submitted to interviews and wrote incisive essays. He became adept at communication through bloging. On the 30th anniversary of Dawu Group, he united the Sun family from different provinces of China by holding a meeting of over 1300 delegates in the new conference center. The guest of honor was Lily Sui-fong Sun  孫穗芳. By 2015 Sun Dawu was warning about the land of darkness and injustice in terms of the agricultural land policy and the dire consequences if problems are not resolved. 

China's Rural Nightmare


January 2009


Huang's book is that rare thing, a conceptual earthquake. Its dedication encapsulates its theme. Huang names three Chinese he has never met. In 1982, Nian Guangjiu, a farmer from a poor province, began selling a particularly delicious version of the popular snack, roasted sunflower seeds, which he called "Idiot's Seeds" because he had a low opinion of himself. Soon, he was well on the way to becoming a corporate giant. The other two dedications, both from provincial areas, are to Sun Dawu, who ran an animal-feed company, and Zheng Lefeng, an illiterate female moneylender. In 1989, Nian was arrested for corruption and embezzlement, charges so flimsy, even by Chinese standards, that he was recharged as a "hooligan" who had had "immoral relationships" with 10 women. Nian reportedly replied, "No, 12." He was sentenced to three years' imprisonment and his business was closed down. Sun was imprisoned for "illegally absorbing public funds". He had refused to bribe bank officials. He is remembered for his remark in prison: "Chinese peasants, your name is misery." Zheng Lefeng was executed.

Huang says of Nian, Sun and Zheng that "millions like them created the true Chinese miracle". But they "met the common unhappy fate of being brought down by the illiberal policies of the 1990s". Nian, Sun and Zheng were smashed, as the Chinese say, because they made money while free of state control.

Before the trio were detained, Huang shows, China was moving "fast and far" towards a laissez-faire home grown entrepreneurial economy, founded on the rural-based capitalism of township and village enterprises. But that free economy, which created China's true economic miracle, was swept away soon after Tiananmen in 1989, and its place taken by "crony capitalism", built on foreign investment, "systematic corruption and raw political power", in which property rights, the basis of lasting economic progress, are not secure.

Capitalism with Chinese Characteristics: Entrepreneurship and the State, Huang Yasheng (Cambridge University Press, 2008)



The New York Times









Changing of the Guard,

The New York Times

Edward Wong,  November 10, 2012

The rules have become so unbalanced against private entrepreneurs that even some who have benefited handsomely from China’s growth are denouncing the system. One is Sun Dawu, a party member and the millionaire founder of a rural food conglomerate. He was handed a suspended three-year prison sentence in 2003 for trying to raise capital from local residents. Mr. Sun stayed quiet after his trial, but is now openly critical again.

“The finance system is very corrupt,” he said in a telephone interview. “The country should allow private banks to do financing, especially for peasants and the rural population.”



This is a machine translation of a report of the Dulu incident on August 14, 2015.   For accuracy and comprehensiveness the original transcript in Chinese must be consulted. 

The Great afternoon road has been open since July 15, 2014. Taiwujituan wanted Xushui transportation department to include the road management in their scope. They replied that the government administration does not accept the responsibility to managed rural roads. Subsequently, there have been stalls selling swimsuits by villagers on the road causing traffic jams and a spate of accidents. On July 17th, 2015, there was a car accident causing death near the stalls.  In view of this we began to strengthen the large afternoon road through Dawujituan governance, clean up roadside stalls, and to arrange a fixed place of business for village vendors.

After cleanup of the stalls, Dawujituan released an announcement that the vast majority of the villagers expressed understanding. If there was no agreement to a fixed point then the temporary  stalls were not allowed.  Only five village villagers of the  Li Yongchen Lang family continued to sell from the roadside stall.

On the morning of September 14, 2015 the Dawujituan staff cleaned the swimsuit stalls of Liyong Chen.李永臣 and his wife who lied down in public  on the big afternoon road. This blocked the left and right lanes for four hours.  Hundreds of vehicles were blocked which seriously affected the normal operation of Taiwujituan and the travel of surrounding villagers.  The direct economic losses were extensive

The Dulu issue of August 14th was not an emergency.  Li Yongchen was involved in Dulu for more than three hours and yet the police of the Public Security Bureau did not deal with the issue. However, this event which  targeted Dawujituan  was premeditated,  purposeful and  organized.

Just lying on the ground shamelessly, 李永臣 ‘s wife had little energy, so much appears to make the network posts; 李永臣 malingering  hangs the infusion bottle (although only the needle fixed on the back of the hand, there is no liquid to drip). This practice is also not ordinary to villagers and is a means of blackmail.  In the process of the event  there was always three robust young daughters of  Li Min Wai around.  Onlookers used mobile phones to take videos, but there these clips of technology also expressed the willingness of onlookers to lie on the road. The event escalated.  Loudspeakers broadcast to the villagers to block the bypass road. When the police were ready to clear the roads were blocked by several villagers.  The worst was when a pregnant woman from a neighboring village blocked the road.  Someone shouted "Let her live, better than two dead”.

All these are indications that it was Liyong Chen and his wife blocked the roads by lying in them, but the gangs launched a stand in front of a small pawn.  The real troublemakers were someone else. Dawujituan roads were blocked for more than three hours.  Finally, more than 20 police arrived for more than two hours.  However, the road was still blocked in this situation.

Later, the Xushui Public Security Bureau filed an alleged fight subpoena against Dawujituan leadership. What are the Xushui police trying to do by escalating the Dalu event into a “fight incident”?

Dawujituan that the "9.14" incident was a vicious affray, gang crime, must crack down, clean up roadblocks Taiwujituan assist policemen, is a legitimate act of justice, it should be supported and protected.

Dawujituan is a company with more than 3000 employees of law-abiding businesses. The Group's chairman, president and chief security officers act to clear the road is a public behavior, not "fight". In fact, there is no "fight" event.

We are suffering labor groups, please protect us, not to fight against us!













                      Entrance of Hong Kong Polytechnic University

After pitched battle, Hong Kong police move on university campus, begin mass arrests

Washington Post

November 16, 2019

HONG KONG — After an intense, day-long battle, police surrounded anti-government protesters inside a university late Sunday and began to make mass arrests, escalating the struggle over Hong Kong’s campuses in the city’s now-six-month struggle for democracy.

Skirmishes between police and protesters raged into the night outside Hong Kong’s Polytechnic University, leaving the air thick with tear gas and a police vehicle burning.

As police continued to bombard protesters with water cannon, they warned stronger measures could follow.


Explainer: Why China-made tear gas is more dangerous

George Colclough

May 1, 2020

In the case of the Norinco NF01, a 38mm CS round produced on the Chinese mainland, magnesium and aluminium power are used as accelerants to aid combustion. Both of these serve to raise the temperature of the submunitions to 500°C or higher after being discharged. These temperatures degrade the CS gas discharged by the submunitions and release poisonous carcinogenic dioxins.

This temperature alone makes the submunitions dangerous if touched, and hot enough to burn through asphalt. And chemical analysis of spent NF01 cartridges shows that the carcinogens within also include cyanide gas.



Hong Kong protesters seek refuge in Canada

Steven Chase Robert Fife

May 3, 2020

Forty-six people with Hong Kong citizenship applied for asylum claims between Jan 1, 2019 and March 31, 2020, according to a source with knowledge of the matter. The claims, which are all pending, were received at airports, Canada Border Security Agency bureaus and Immigration, Refugee and Citizenship Canada offices (IRCC) across the country. The Globe and Mail is not identifying the source, who was not authorized to speak about the issue.

Under Hong Kong law, rioting is defined as an unlawful assembly of three or more people where any person “commits a breach of the peace," and a conviction can carry a 10-year prison sentence. Civil-rights groups around the world have condemned this public ordinance as giving police overly broad discretionary powers and allowing disproportionate punishment.


“We will use the minimal force,” police said in a Facebook video. “We are asking the rioters to stop assaulting the police using cars, gas bombs and bows and arrows. Otherwise we will use force including live rounds.”


Hong Kong cop hit with arrow in leg as hours-long protest clashes intensify outside Polytechnic University

Holmes Chan

November 17, 2019

A police officer was hit by an arrow on Sunday outside the Hong Kong Polytechnic University (PolyU) as violent clashes broke out between pro-democracy protesters and law enforcement. Police deployed tear gas, projectiles, and fired blue dye from water cannon trucks.

For the first time, the force also used a device mounted on an armoured truck to emit high-pitched noises – which police later identified as a “Long Range Acoustic Device” (LRAD).

The Hung Hom campus of PolyU has seen pitched battles between protesters and police since Tuesday.

The campus is close to the toll plaza of the Cross-Harbour Tunnel, enabling protesters to block the major crossing for days.

On Sunday, police said a member of its media liaison team – typically dressed in a blue vest – was “struck in the calf by an arrow” at around 2pm. The officer was taken to the hospital in a conscious state.

Another officer’s visor was struck by a metal ball, though it did not result in injury, the force added.

“Police warn that the violent activities in the Hong Kong Polytechnic University have escalated to rioting. Anyone who stays behind or assists rioters may be liable to the offence of ‘Taking Part in a Riot’,” the police said in a statement.

Anyone convicted of rioting can be penalised by up to 10 years in jail.

Police have condemned protesters for using “lethal weapons” against officers, including petrol bombs, bows, arrows, bricks and metal balls.

Protesters also threw objects from an elevated position inside the campus and launched projectiles with a makeshift catapult.

I am just Hong Kong: A city's fate in China's hands

New York Times

Hannah Beech, photo Lam Yik Fei

May 23, 2020

The new national security laws, outlined at the annual session of China’s legislature on Friday, will likely curtail some of the civil liberties that differentiate Hong Kong from the rest of the country. And they take aim at the mass protest movement that showed the world last year the extent to which people were willing to go to protect their hybrid home.

Last year, more than 90 percent of young people here said they considered themselves to be from Hong Kong, not China, according to a University of Hong Kong poll, the highest number since the survey began more than a decade ago.

“I am 100 percent Hong Kong, 0 percent China,” said Mickey Leung, an 18-year-old member of a youth democracy movement who grew up in a gritty suburb 15 minutes from the border. Her grandmother lives on the mainland.

Hong Kong now needs China far more than the other way around. At the time of the handover, the enclave’s economy was nearly 20 percent the size of China’s. Today, it’s less than 3 percent, even if much of China’s foreign direct investment still flows through Hong Kong.




Bruce Lee on the set of 'The Big Boss' (Bruce Lee Family Archive)

Bruce Lee gets a fitting tribute, as 'Be Water' looks at Asians and Hollywood

Review by Brian Lowry, CNN

Updated 4:32 PM ET, Sun June 7, 2020

Directed by Bao Nguyen, "Be Water" (a maxim Lee used to describe his martial-arts philosophy) employs an interesting tactic, interviewing subjects in voiceover, then showing them at the end. It brings a personal touch to the story -- with Lee's wife, daughter and brother among those featured -- while keeping the man himself front and center.



The most famous expression of "Be Water" is on a CBC interview conducted by Pierre Burton with Bruce Lee. "Be Water" was also a slogan and modus operandi of Hong Kong protestors.



Protests leave a permanent imprint on Hong Kong’s streets


June 13, 2020

This picture taken on June 6, 2020 shows people walking on a pedestrian bridge covered with floor to ceiling metal mesh grates near Hong Kong Polytechnic University, installed by authorities following a two-week on-campus battle in November 2019 between police and pro-democracy protesters in Hong Kong. – Hong Kong on June 9, 2020 marks a year since pro-democracy protests erupted, but a resumption of city-wide unrest is unlikely as activists reel from mass arrests, coronavirus bans on public gatherings and a looming national security law. Photo: Isaac Lawrence/AFP.

“Throughout the 2019 protests, protesters ‘deconstructed’ the city’s fabric, subverting the urban infrastructure to put it in service of their protest,” Antony Dapiran, a Hong Kong lawyer who has written books about the city’s protest movements, told AFP.

“The Hong Kong government, when it became familiar with the protesters’ tactics, begun to take countermeasures, stripping the city of the urban hardware that the protesters so readily recontextualised for the purposes of their barricade resistance,” he added.


It eerily reminds the author of prison camps in Xinjiang


                           The Hong Kong Dream

Hong Kong is not Tibet of the Himalayas and Tibetan Plateau with an impoverished population which is rich in spiritual beliefs of Tibetan Buddhism. Hong Kong is not the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region where Turkic Muslims exercise no autonomy as prisoners in so-called education camps which in reality are prisons. Both Tibet and Xinjiang are frontier areas which are sparsely populated.

Hong Kong is a Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China with its own constitution which is different than China’s. The One Country, Two Systems was a constitutional principle formulated by Deng Xiaopeng. Hong Kong has a population density of 17,156 people per square mile. Hong Kong is Asia’s world city in terms of financial services, trade, tourism, transport, communications and a regional hub for international business. Its youth experience transnational education where learners are located in a country different from the one where the awarding institution is based.

All of this means that what China does in Hong Kong is not hidden from the world or for that matter from mainland China. It means that when China deviates from and undermines One Country Two Systems then everyone takes notice. It means that every peaceful demonstration for the last six months is recorded and disseminated. It means that every protest riot is photographed by thousands of smart phones and filmed in real time for international audiences. It cannot be censored as was Tiananmen Square and the Cultural Revolution because it is not part of revisionist history, but it is part of the here and now. It is real.

Finally, it means that Hong Kong is no longer part of One Belt One Road System. Hong Kongers might argue that One Country Two Systems or 1=2 is more logical than One Belt and One Road or 1+1=2. Shenzhen does not equal Hong Kong or 1 does not equal 1. The China Dream equals a China Nightmare. The Hong Kong Dream is now the China Nightmare.



LRAD - Long Range Acoustic Hailing Devices


September 14, 2012

Video 6:30 minutes



Hong Kong pro-democracy district councillor Cheng Lai-king arrested for ‘sedition’

March 26, 2020

Hong Kong police Thursday arrested an opposition politician under a colonial-era sedition law for allegedly sharing the identity of an officer who fired a baton round that blinded a journalist during protests last year. Police said they arrested 60-year-old Cheng Lai-king on suspicion of “action with seditious intention”. 

Democratic Party district councillor Cheng, 60, shared a Facebook post which gave details of a policeman suspected to have fired the baton round that blinded a journalist during the anti-government demonstrations.

“Unfortunately, the government of today decided that they would use this colonial law to silence political discontent,” Kwok said, calling it an act of “political revenge”.



Concerns are growing in Hong Kong after the arrest of a pro-democracy district council member that the government may not need to enact controversial new laws to accuse people of sedition and subversion.

The concept applied under British colonial rule to anyone who incites disaffection against "the person of His Majesty, or His Heirs or Successors, or against the government of this colony."


So what do the words "intention", "sedition" and "subversion" used by the police spokesperson Swalikh mean?  They sound like the use of poetic licence rather than legal terms.


Here’s What China Is Telling Its People About Hong Kong Protests

Bloomberg News

November 13, 2019

12:31 AM EST

Updated on November 13, 2019, 4:22 AM EST

Global Times warns of military intervention by Beijing

Social media users condemn protesters as “cockroaches”

Beijing — Chinese state media responded to the escalating street violence in Hong Kong with harshly worded commentaries, condemning some politicians and teachers for emboldening the demonstrators as social media users called protesters “cockroaches” and “thugs”. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-11-13/china-ratchets-up-anti-protest-rhetoric-as-violence-escalates

The coverage is in line with Beijing’s approach of framing the months-long protests as being led by a small group of extremists who are holding Hong Kong’s economy hostage against the wishes of the majority of residents. There was no mention of a protester, now in critical condition, whose shooting by a police officer on Monday helped reignite simmering tensions in the city this week.

In a commentary on Wednesday, the Global Times hinted that the central government could employ “direct intervention” under the Basic Law it uses to govern Hong Kong. “The rioters’ rampage is a short drive from the nearest outpost of the Shenzhen Armed Police Force and a short walk from the People’s Liberation Army in Hong Kong,” it said.

Xinhua and People’s Daily blamed politicians and teachers for supporting the protesters, while calling Hong Kong citizens to stand up against the violence.

“The politicians who are opposing China and disrupting Hong Kong glorify the violent crime as fighting for democracy and freedom, so as to turn Hong Kong into an independent or half-independent political entity,” Xinhua said in a commentary.

The article bashed teachers who it accused of selling “packaged reactionary ideas using western theories” and promoting “civil disobedience” and “illegal justice, just like a cult, brainwashing young people”.

On the mandarin-dominant social media platform Weibo, violent protesters were widely described as cockroaches in Cantonese, the Chinese dialect used in Hong Kong. Users also commented angrily under a video clip showing the bloodied face of a Hong Kong resident. “Thugs have completely over taken the streets of Hong Kong,” one user said.



Protest chaos leads to the most bank branch closings in Hong Kong’s history other than during typhoons

250 bank branches, 19 per cent of the city’s outlets, were closed the whole day while another 100 closed earlier than usual

ATMs, online banking remain open

Enoch Yiu

Published: 3:20pm, 13 Nov, 2019

Updated: 7:13pm, 13 Nov, 2019

One in five branches of the 18 major banks, including all three note-issuing banks in the city – HSBC, Standard Chartered Bank and Bank of China (Hong Kong) – shut their doors for the day. In addition, another 100 bank branches closed earlier than usual.

The troubling sign in one of Asia’s most important financial hubs occurred as protesters used bricks to smash the glass facade of the branch of the Bank of Communications (Hong Kong) on Pedder Street in Central. The crowd, including some people in suits, clapped when the glass broke.

The closed bank outlets represented about 19 per cent of all 1,300 branches in the city, based on banks contacted by the South China Morning Post and information posted on bank websites.



Police, protesters face off in renewed clashes in Hong Kong


November 11, 2019

Lam pledged Monday to stop the violent protests in comments suggesting harsher legal and police measures could be coming.

“I do not want to go into details, but I just want to make it very clear that we will spare no effort in finding ways and means that could end the violence in Hong Kong as soon as possible,” she said.

Lam refused to accept the demands for political concessions. “These rioters’ actions have far exceeded their demands, and they are enemies of the people,” she said.

One of their demands is for the government to stop labeling the demonstrators as rioters, which connotes that even peaceful protest is a criminal activity. Their other unmet demands are for democratic changes in Hong Kong’s government, criminal charges to be dropped against protesters and for police actions against the protesters to be independently investigated.



Hong Kong in Disarray After Night of Intense Clashes

Wall Street Journal

November 12, 2019

Anger at the police is running high, and each round of confrontations has provided fresh fuel

Video 1:55 minutes



The epicentre was the Chinese University of Hong Kong in New Territories where the usually placid hillside grounds were turned into a battlefield.

Police fired repeated volleys of tear gas and rubber bullets at hundreds of protesters who had built barricades in an hours-long stand-off between the two sides.

Protesters responded with bricks and petrol bombs, while a vehicle used in a barricade was set alight.

Video 2:51


The Guardian view on Hong Kong: policing the crisis


Brutal treatment of protesters and a government that will not listen have inflamed a dangerous situation

Last modified on Wed 13 Nov 2019 02.06 GMT

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Hong Kong protests: student shot and man set on fire during clashes – video Hong Kong is unrecognizable. In less than six months a global financial centre known for its efficiency and pragmatism has become consumed by rage and violence. On Tuesday, as police stormed a university campus to arrest students, and their teargas and rubber bullets were met by petrol bombs, parts of the campus looked more like a conflict zone than a seat of learning.

The initial trigger for all this was the now-withdrawn extradition bill. But the government’s response, and in particular police brutality, has fired the protests. The latest escalation was sparked by the death of a student who fell from a building following police clashes with protesters last week. Most responded passionately but peacefully – with an estimated 100,000 gathering this weekend for a vigil. Others have ramped up their stance.

As activists disrupted the morning commute for two days in a row, and attacked property associated with support for the Hong Kong government and Beijing, footage showed police officers shooting a demonstrator in the torso at close range; driving a motorbike into protesters repeatedly; and beating a person inside a church. Meanwhile another horrific video showed a man being sprayed with flammable liquid and set alight, apparently by a protester with whom he had been arguing, in an indefensible attack that has appalled supporters of the movement as well as those bitterly opposed to it.

John Tsang, the city’s former financial secretary, defeated by Ms Lam for the chief executive post, observed on Tuesday that, given the imbalance of power between protesters and the government, the government should take the initiative to de-escalate the force it is using. This seems like a statement of the obvious but from a pro-establishment figure it is striking. Yet it will almost certainly go unheard. Beijing appears more determined than ever to rely upon increased repression and a few economic sweeteners. But neither trigger-happy policing nor bungs can resolve this political struggle.



Pear Orchard Looting                    Dawujituan Response to Dulu Incident

                                       Contrived Coincidences

Most of us think of coincidences as happening rarely and unpredictably. They are events or circumstances without apparent causal connection. However, there is another type of coincidence which appears designed, engineered or fabricated.This type of coincidence may be called a "contrived coincidence" or concidence. It is a connived,  clandestine event or circumstance; however, it appears like a coincidence in order to avoid connectability, correlativity and culpability.

One such contrived coincidence took place in the year 2003 which happened to be the beginning of the civil rights movement in China. Sun Dawu made a famous speech at Beijing University which overstepped the bounds. He was warned that he could not say such political things publicly. In fact, the author feels that even though thirteen years have passed it would be unwise to quote what was said by Sun Dawu on that occasion because of the re-emergence of leftist extremists. Shortly, thereafter, Sun Dawu was arrested by the local authorities for the lending practices of a cooperative bank. There seems to be no connection between these two events, but many people thought so. 

It was found that no money was lost by investors who refused to make a complaint nor withdraw their investments. However, money was lost by the Dawu Group because the entire management was put under arrest and there was no competent person to run the business. Furthermore, money was lost by the Dawu Group whose safe was emptied by authorities and the lost money has remained lost to this day. In other words, punishment may have been meted out on a private business for words spoken publicly.
It was also the year in which Sun Dawu, Dr. Luo Xiwen and D. Carlton Rossi were establishing a trade college at Dawu village or what is now known as Kenneth City. There was absolutely no political agenda in the establishment of this college. Dr. Luo was a prominent scholar of the medical classics and D. Carlton Rossi was an unknown poet. Yet, the arrest of Sun Dawu for ostensibly political reasons meant that there would be no private institution of higher learning built to serve the community and general public. One must conclude that everything in China is political.  

For and from an historical perspective, two illustrations are given which have heretofore been unreported by the author. In the first case, Dr. Luo told the author that he had been in a car accident on rural roads. However, his perception of the incident was alarming. He had believed that the incident was orchestrated. In the second case, Dr. Luo and the author were travelling in an open land rover. Coming toward them was a truck filled with hay. However, extending from the truck was a pipe about five feet off the ground which crossed the entire lane. The author warned Dr. Luo to duck his head. The author's last remembrance of the pipe was when he looked up and saw it pass directly overhead by a few feet. It was the closest the author has come to decapitation. Both of these contrived coincidences could have had tragic consequences. They were to serve as stark warnings to innocent parties whose actions might be considered political by some party.  

In the summer of 2015, there were two apparent contrived coincidences that occurred following an essay written by Sun Dawu. The essay was dated July 24, 2015. It was referred to in the press as "Chinese Entrepreneur Responds to Arrest of Rights Lawyer" and the topic was Terror. The essay is the strongest denunciation of the arrest of "rights lawyers" in China up to this point and equates the arrests with a form of terror. The following transcript is a translated version of part of the speech.

"If we eliminate people with different opinions and get rid of these "rights lawyers" when there are sensitive cases in the future and the public falls silent then won't that be the beginning when everyone is muzzled? Won't these violent crimes escalate into a violent revolution? Doesn't the Communist Party's own revolutionary history demonstrate how successful revolutions begin like this?

I'm a businessman. I don't want to see violent revolution. I want social stability and the ability to resolve problems in a lawful and orderly fashion."

An unidentified blogger seems to capsulize the viewpoint against the Confucian philosopher--Sun Dawu. He views  him as one who defiles or corrupts. Wasn't the same said of Socrates who was viewed as an irritant by the authorities because he asked too many questions, corrupted youth and blasphemed the gods? Yet, Socrates followed the law, however unjust it was, by following through on his sentence as Sun followed through the terms of his four years' probationary period.
One must remind the blogger though that there are two meanings for the word "defile". The primary meaning according to the Oxford dictionary is to march in file. It refers to troops who must march in file as though they go through a narrow gorge. Perhaps what really bothers the blogger is that Sun as a civilian does not march in a narrow military file or follow a narrow way, but marches to his own drummer.

Of course, in some instances it could be catastrophic for an army to file through a narrow gorge. One may recall how the enormous army of the autocrat Darius was stymied by 300 Spartans at the narrow gate of Thermopylae. In more modern times, there was the Battle of the Salween River Gorge on May 5-7 of 1942 where a few P-40Es executed a series of strikes against the Japanese 56th armoured division on the Burma Road on its descent to the Salween thus permanently ending the Japanese advance from Burma into China. 

A timeline has been provided to show the apparent relation of the essay on terror and its economic consequences to Dawujituan. While the cause is a public essay on the taboo subject of "rights lawyers" the effects or consequences are economic punishments of a private company.This time the punishments almost resemble a concerted type of economic warfare. The economic punishments are more direct, widespread and diverse than those following the Beijing University speech in 2003. The two economic consequences begin just one month after the public essay is published.  

                                  Timeline of Events 

July 24, 2015              Sun's Defence of Rights Lawyers 

August 25, 2015          Looting of Pear Orchard

September 14, 2015     Dulu Incident known as 9.14

Sun's defence of rights defence lawyers garnered international attention. It was translated immediately into English and circulated widely. In a more general sense, it is a defence of rule of law and a critique of rule by law.  

Two events of contrived coincidences followed the public essay. It began with the looting of pear orchards of Dawujituan Gaoyang on August 25, 2015. Managers of the company were at total loss as to the reasons of and for the looting.The local peasants had been given the right to purchase pears at wholesale, but it seems they wanted "free pears" all of a sudden. They stole pears by the bushel load. Who instigated this theft? Why did the police not respond to company requests for protection of property and to the theft of a million yuan of fruit?  The pears disappeared. 

The second contrived coincidence took place on September 14, 2015. It is known as the Dulu Incident or more succinctly as 9.14. A stall vendor of bathing suits and his wife blocked the road. Thugs used tractors to make dirt berms across other roads thus bringing business of the Dawu Group to a standstill. Access to the hospital was cut-off. Again, the police did not respond to repeated calls by company managers to control the situation. 

What did these two contrived coincidences have in common? First, they appear to have been organized by unseen, non-law abiding forces. Second, the pear incident involved trespass on private property and theft of private property while the Dulu incident involved a blockade of private property and a disruption of private economic activity. Third, both events were inimical to the common weal and welfare since business taxes were negatively impacted. Finally, police were called many times, over extended periods of time, but they were not directed to respond to the emergencies. They were conspicuously absent. They did not appear. 
7. 31. 16



                    Update of Legal Proceedings on

                        Intellectual Property Rights

A notice of infringement of trademark was made on September 21, 2015 by the Yibin Wuliangye Co. Ltd. in the court of Zibo City of Shandong Province against the Taiwujituan liquor company which was begun by Sun Dawu. It is understood that the plaintiff employed on a nationwide basis 50 law firms as co-defenders. The author makes no comment on the merit or demerit of the case since trademark law is quite specialized. On December 10, 2015, the case was heard and a decision was made in favour of the plaintiff. An appeal was allowed at a higher court situated in Jinan in July 2016. 

What caught the attention of the liquor industry, legal profession and for that matter the entire nation was the penalty for trade mark infringement. The plaintiff had demanded the following: 

为此,原告将其诉至法院,要求判令被告立即停止侵权行为,并在相关媒体刊登道歉声明以此来消除影响;且判令被告赔偿原告经济损失及制止侵权行为所支付的合理开支共计 300万元。

To this end, it is the plaintiff which sued the Court, asking the defendant to immediately stop the infringement, and to publish an apology in the relevant media in order to eliminate the influence; and the defendant was ordered to compensate the plaintiff for economic loss and reasonable expenses to stop the infringement with a payment of up to 3 million yuan.

8. 2. 16



Sun Dawu

August 08, 2016

"Five grain" such general words should have been registered as a trademark, does not allow other manufacturers to use "five grain" these two words, if one of them, "judge", "car", "the teacher the words" registered as a trademark, what this society will look like?!  Therefore, the wuliangye group "five grain" registered as a trademark, not in order to protect its trademark rights, but rather to monopolies in the market. I hope that national authorities can screen, treat and improve such acts. 


                                  Rule of or by law

The difference between whether a country is governed by “rule of law” rather than “rule by law” is not a matter of subtle semantics.  There is often a well written constitution in both cases. It depends though on whether or not the law is interpreted and applied equally and fairly for all the people or whether some persons are given favorable treatment and other persons are ill-treated.

It may be best to elucidate through fairy tales. The characters and circumstances are entirely fictive and bear no resemblance to real persons or state of affairs. One might consider them to be similar to Brothers Grimm fairy tales.

Once upon a time there was a young man whose name was Conrad. He was rather portly in appearance. Conrad had loved the sport of badminton, but it was obvious from the sweat on his brow and his quickness of breath that there had been better games behind him. He was skilled enough though to beat his less skilled opponent—Coulter. Fairies had been shuttled rather than birdies. As a consolation prize, Conrad asked Coulter to finish fish dinner at a swanky restaurant.  

Since Coulter had brought his bicycle he had to follow the BMW for about a mile. This was not so easy even if the car was not travelling so fast. The reason was the particles of coal dust in the polluted air. They were stinging Coulter’s eyes and he was short of breath. Visibility was also cut down to a few hundred meters.

Conrad was well known at the restaurant. He rattled off the dishes to the waitress. Any weight lost on the badminton court would obviously be compensated for at the table. Conrad was an affable sort of fellow and told his story to Coulter.

He was the son of a coal executive. As such he had an “iron rice bowl”. This meant that his position at the company was guaranteed for life. He didn’t especially like his job nor was he sure that he wished to continue in it for long. He explained to his guest that the company wasn’t doing particularly well. It would borrow money at three percent from the foreigners, but it was only able to make a net income of two and a half percent. Coulter wondered to himself how Conrad could afford a BMW and a completely paid for apartment in one of the most expensive cities in the world, but he didn’t want to offend his host. 

It was Conrad, however, who broached the issue of the apparent contradiction between appearances and reality. He asked Coulter what he thought of the anti-corruption program. This was difficult for Coulter to answer directly since in terms of appearances the program’s stated goals were clear and would need no explanation, but the reality was more opaque. It was circumspect for Coulter to respond to the direct question with the recollection of another fairy tale. 

It began on the streets on an ancient city. All cities here though are ancient except those which are called “ghost cities”. I explained to my host that “ghost cities” are not boom ones that became bust, but rather cities that never were nor ever will be. Anyway, my Chinese colleague and I were walking along and talking about pictographs. What could be more improbable than that? We weren’t talking about profits or losses.

The pictographs were drawn over three millennia ago. For us, the pictographs conveyed more meaning because of their ambiguity compared to modern, abstract, written characters whose meaning is more fixed. For example, the pictograph for sun is a circle surrounding a dot. The general meaning of the circle is clear, but the specific meaning of the dot and its relation to the circle is less clear. We couldn’t decide on whether the dot stood for a transit of Venus, sunspot, seed or ghost.

We were stopped short though by an uncommon sight. We were looking at a ghost or rather what appeared to be a ghost. Just because there is a word for “ghost” though doesn’t make it any more real. It was totally black from head to toe. It spoke only one word that we could understand and that was “Mama”. That seemed to make it a little less frightening. It was looking for its Mama. Nevertheless, it was speaking in some language that was foreign to us.

We tried communicating in languages other than English or Chinese. All we could understand though was that one universal word--“Mama”. If it had been a mummy wrapped in white linen who was looking for its mummy then that would at least have been more comprehensible. My colleague though twigged on to the language—Arabic.

We took our shadow to a Muslim restaurant. It looked rather gaunt and famished. It understood though the menu in Arabic! We told the manager that our shadow could order anything it wanted. It was then that we learned the reality of the shadow through the intermediary.

He had been a coal miner deep underground. He was completely covered in black coal oil. The owner had failed to pay him for six month’s work. He was without any money. He had not eaten in two weeks and slept in the open. He wanted to go home to his “Mama”. 

We advised him to go to a police station. He could state his case through my colleague and seek redress. His identification was shown to the policemen at the gate. The issue of lost wages was explained to them through my colleague. They called the miner a “terrorist”. We were rather flummoxed and flabbergasted at this response.

It had been a simple issue. A citizen wished to make an official report in writing to a police station concerning a loss of wages. The Chinese don’t usually use the word for “theft”. They prefer to say something is lost. He was denied entry to the station. In turn, the aggrieved party was accused under rule by law of a most egregious crime—namely, terrorism. The evidence for this accusation was rather airy fairy. If it were terrorism, however, it was the duty of the police officers under rule of law to arrest him as a terrorist.  There were no arrests—only justice was arrested. The miner was now lost as his rights as a citizen and human being were missing.

His new friends though found their new companion good accommodation for the night. A railway ticket was purchased which allowed him to begin his thirty-five hour journey home—in first class. A basket lunch was packed for him with his favorite foods. He knew the way. He had found himself. That dot in the circle was now a seed for a rebirth. He has always been and forever will be. He would tell his story to his compatriots, be reunited with his family and see his Mama.    


"This is a conspiracy"

Classification: Land Acquisition Disputes

2018-10-27 10:19

On July 25, 2018, the 77,000 square-meter, old-age apartments in Dawu Kangyang Town were confiscated by the Xushui District Land Bureau. The reason is that "the construction was not approved first, and the land was illegally occupied." We think this is a bureau of officials and a conspiracy.

According to the national policy, local villagers can apply for the use of collective construction land. The Dawu Group Pension Center is engaged in public welfare projects, and in July 2017, it was named the first batch of characteristic Kangyang towns in Baoding. However, a short time later, on August 5, 2017, Xushui Land Bureau investigated and dealt with the Dawu Pension Center. The basis for filing the case was a rectification letter from the Provincial Land Department on July 31. This letter did not explain which ones. The land issue was approved by the leaders of the municipal government and the district government in just four days. ( attached to the letter)

For such an efficient investigation, we have the following questions:

1. What is the basis for the Provincial Land Department to issue this “revision letter” (Annex 1)? The rectification letter stated: “The Dawu Group has a large number of illegal land occupations, and the masses have strongly reflected” and asked the municipal government to investigate and deal with them. In other words, the district government and the district land bureau did not think that we were illegal. It was the Hebei Provincial Land Department that claimed we were illegal and they were handling the case for the leadership (Annex 2, 3)! Therefore, we suspect that the Xushui Land Bureau, especially the director Wang Yuya, has misunderstood and framed us because she has the motive for committing crimes. (other case )

2.  At the end of last year, on December 18, Director Zhang of the Provincial Land Department Law Enforcement Bureau, accompanied by Li Zhiyong District Mayor and Deputy Mayor Ma Zhixin, brought 18 people to the Dawu Group to investigate the case. Director Zhang clearly stated at the scene:

1   Handling some public welfare projects without penalty, such as schools and hospitals, can take the form of transfer;

2    Local villagers can apply for the use of collective construction land, without having to go to the province for approval, the city will approve it, and there is no penalty; 

3  To classify and deal with, this problem is the responsibility of Xushui District. Don't turn it over again. The more complicated it is, the more complicated it is. Break It can be seen from this that Director Zhang has already negated the provincial government rectification letter and the punishment of the Xushui Land Bureau. 

3.  We want to coordinate the handling according to the direction of Mr. Li. We should not pay more than 4 million yuan for the balance of compensation. Because Langwuzhuang has 47 acres of construction land indicators, Ma Zhixin’s deputy head of the district also promised that this indicator is available for use. However, in order to solve the problem, we still paid a 45-acre balance. However, after the payment, the Land Bureau issued a decision on the punishment for confiscation. Why was there confiscation and more punishment in terms of payment?

4.  After the administrative punishment, we conducted a reconsideration. During the reconsideration, we have already conducted consultations and resolved the problem in Xushui District. In the process of negotiation, the district government can’t wait to reach the ground floor to “maintain the original punishment decision of the land bureau”, forcing us not to file a lawsuit.

5.  Director Li promised that the property would not be assessed and returned the ground assets. However, the Land Bureau also invited a lawyer to say that it was necessary to evaluate the illegality and quietly evaluate 70 million which made the government unable to act. The Dawu Group could not coordinate.

6.  Why did the Land Bureau write to the Urban Construction Bureau, the Power Supply Company, the Market Supervision Administration, the Development and Reform Bureau, and the Planning Bureau to jointly enforce the law, and to kill the Dawu Kangyang Project! Why does the Land Bureau want to mobilize the public security law and threaten the Dayu Group executives? What is the basis? According to this paper official letter, this paper official letter to the Provincial Law Enforcement Bureau Director Zhang has already negated, why should we carry out threats and insist on investigation?

Looking at the big picture, this is a conspiracy! It makes the government and enterprises confront each other, making the situation so unbearable! We asked the relevant departments to respond to the real name report of the Dawu Group and file a case with the land director Wang Yuya as soon as possible!


1, "Hebei Provincial Department of Taiwujituan about illegal seizures of land for rectification of the letter"

2, illegal clues registration table

3, the filing Cheng Pibiao




                     Dawu City, Kangyang Township

Mental property of employees of Dawu Group


Source: Family Business Magazine

(WeChat public ID: jiazuqiyezazhi)

In the final analysis, the competition faced by enterprises is the competition of talents. How can family enterprises improve the psychological ownership of employees to enterprises under the premise of ensuring that family ownership is not weakened, so that employees can regard development enterprises as their own business and work with the boss and so that employees serve the enterprise wholeheartedly? This is a question put forward by practice.

Psychological ownership was proposed by Jon L. Pierce, professor of organization and management at the University of Minnesota Duluth. He found that many scholars' research conclusions have a certain degree of consensus that the “employee shareholding plan” does not necessarily lead to employees thinking and acting like “owners”, thus promoting organizational performance. Therefore, he tried to explain this phenomenon and in 1991 proposed the concept of “psychological ownership”.

The election meeting of the 7th Board of Directors of Hebei Dawu Group was held at the Dawu Gymnasium. The election meeting which was held after the Spring Festival of 2017 is also the last general election meeting. The chairman of the board of directors is sitting on the board of supervisors. The board of supervisors is chaired by the family committee. It member composition consists of the Sun Dawu couple, the founder of the Dawu Group, and their four grandchildren who sit at the front row of the podium. Dawu Group which was founded in 1984 is a typical family business.

The conference adopted electronic counting, and after careful voting by the cadres  the counting team carefully counted the votes, and the supervisory team strictly inspected the votes. The conference elected the seventh board of the Dawu Group.

The data shows that in the past ten years, Dawu Group's annual employee turnover rate is less than 3%, and more than 100 people from ordinary employees have entered the middle-level management. The annual sales have achieved a rapid growth of 25%~30%. Practice gives an excellent answer. In the past ten years, Dawu Group has maintained a stable workforce, a very low turnover rate, and successfully trained a group of talented employees within the company. In Sun Dawu's view, the staff of the big afternoon are all lovely. They deeply love the Dawu Group. This is one of the important reasons for the continuous high-speed development of the Dawu Group and the source of confidence for the future development of the Dawu Group.

During the period from 2016 to 2017, we conducted a questionnaire survey on employees of Dawu Group on psychological ownership and other issues, and collected 361 valid questionnaires. The survey found that the employment time of Dawu Group employees was positively correlated with psychological ownership. The correlation coefficient was 0.172, which was significant at a 0.01 level. This indicates that the longer the employee's service then the higher the psychological ownership. The higher the position, the higher the psychological ownership.

The magic of psychological ownership: 

Dawu Group is a family business. Property rights belong to Sun Dawu. Enterprises do not implement shareholding system. The shares are completely closed. The shares are neither open to management and employees, nor are shared with family members. In order to ensure the overall inheritance of the enterprise and avoid the dispute of property rights in the next generation, even in the inheritance, Sun Dawu does not quantify the next generation of children. The family constitution of the Dawu Group clearly stipulates: “The overall inheritance of property rights will never be quantified or divided.” “The Board of Supervisors represents the family group and safeguards the legitimate rights and interests of family members.”

It is in this context that the equity is completely concentrated in the personal and non-shareholding system of the founder Sun Dawu. Our research found that the Dawu Group occupies a very important position in the hearts of employees. In the hearts of employees, the Dawu Group is also theirs. They will do their best to maintain the group and work hard. The fact that the Dawu Group has far below the turnover rate of other companies and the fact that hundreds of management cadres have been trained among ordinary employees has proved this.

An attractive plan like employee stock ownership does not necessarily guarantee that employees and the company will go forward together, let alone not share with employees. Why can the Dawu Group not simultaneously weaken the family ownership and let the employees follow the company? What is this? From the long-term study of the officials of the Dawu Group, scholars, and the words of the great afternoon staff, we can understand the mechanism behind it.

In February 2013, after long-term research and on-site observation of the election of the fifth board of directors of the Dawu Group's employee representatives, the former vice chairman of the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce, Bao Yuzhen, expressed his feelings to the reporter: Several director candidates this morning gave very impressive campaign speeches. In particular, when a  middle-level cadre from the field said that "Great afternoon is my home" it was even more touching. To be honest, not many people in private enterprises let alone state-owned enterprises regard the enterprise as their own home.

Dawu staff member, Qi Lianlong, introduced his experience in the group's internal publications: "I have been working in the group since I was 22 years old. I have been here to build a family, start a business, buy a house and my children go to school in Dawu Middle School. My wife also goes to work here, all my friends are here and my life is here. Due to these reasons, we are the foreigners who are rooted here, and the group is the community of interests and destiny. We will follow the group well. If the group is gone, others can turn around and go home. I don’t have a room when I go home. I don’t know where to go. So we foreigners most hope that the group can develop well and tolerate people’s development."

At an in-house learning meeting hosted by the current Chairman Sun Meng, an old member of the poultry company said: "I have been working in the company for more than 20 years. My job is to make chicken feed, and I am happy every day. Rural women like me with low culture did not expect to find a company where they can not only earn wages, but also earn dignity and life. Since raising chickens 30 years ago, the breeding company has always had a breeding dream, and I will take my job. Work is a career that I have struggled in all my life."

The concept of psychological ownership was proposed by Jon L. Pierce (1991) based on the theory of "possession psychology and is defined as a state of mind in which a person feels a certain goal. Things (which may be material or non-material) or part of them are their own.

Pierce believes that legal ownership does not directly affect the attitudes and behaviors of employees who own the ownership. Instead, it creates psychological ownership through formal ownership, and then influences employees' attitudes, motivations, and behaviors through psychological ownership. Formal ownership must make employees have psychological ownership so that they can influence employees' attitudes, motivations and behaviors.

This is why some companies even give employees shares, but the attitudes, behaviors and performance of employees have not improved significantly. Because giving employees ownership is only a formal possession, there is no real sense of ownership in the employees' minds, that is, psychological ownership; so, it is impossible to encourage employees to improve their attitudes and behaviors from the bottom of their hearts, and performance cannot be effectively improved.

Why is the Dawu Group not giving shares to employees, but the employees are still working actively and competing to contribute to the group? It is because the group can directly act on psychological ownership through management measures, allowing employees to generate higher psychological ownership, prompting employees to think that the group also has a part of me, and also my efforts in it, resulting in a master Consciousness, and then act positively to strive for performance.

Three-wheel drive psychological ownership

Pierce et al. (2001) argue that psychological ownership is generated through three paths: controlling the target, understanding the target and individual input. The root cause behind the higher employee psychological ownership of the Dawu Group is the Dawu Group's institutional system and management measures (especially the election mechanism of the Dawu Group and the comprehensive guarantee system) which greatly stimulated the enthusiasm of the employees. These systems and measures act on employees from three aspects and generate higher psychological ownership. 

1. Controlling the target

The  control of the target is a major feature of the phenomenon of psychological ownership. Controlling the target results in a psychological ownership of the target. Just like a part of a person's body, such as hands and feet, hands and feet as objects can be controlled by us, so they are considered part of the self. The higher the degree of control over the target, the more the target is considered to be part of the self. On the contrary, if the target cannot be controlled, or the target is controlled by others, the target will not be considered part of the self. 

The board of directors and management of Dawu Group is not appointed by the shareholders' meeting, nor is it nominated by the chairman of the board of directors. Instead, it is elected by the employee on behalf of one person and one vote. It is worth noting that the senior leaders of the Dawu Group, including the owners of the company who are Sun Dawu and their family members have only one ordinary vote without any election privileges.

The bottom-up elections give employees the right to be the masters of the house and the opportunity to express their inner voice. Employees can truly feel that the development of the company is closely linked to their votes.

Each ballot is in fact the right that the organization provides to employees to “control” the organization of personnel and other factors. Through the electoral system, employees feel that they can actually influence and “control” the personnel or other aspects of the group. The control is very strong. After the election, the board of directors and other leading bodies will be elected according to the number of votes. Therefore, employees feel that the company is also “I” and will form a psychological ownership and responsibility for the group.

2. It is precisely because of the connection between the individual and the target that the psychological ownership feeling is generated. Just like a gardener, through a certain time of contact with the garden, it will be the feeling that this garden belongs to him.

"Who is the boss" is the unique management philosophy of the Dawu Group. The way to become a boss is through the election of employees. In the Dawu Group, employees who have been elected for more than one year have the right to vote. The employees who have accumulated more than 10 years of service have the right to formally vote. At present, the election of the Dawu Group is divided into three levels: primary election, re-election, and formal election. In the primary election, all members participate in the voting; in the re-election, employees with more than the squad leader and employees who have worked for more than one year vote; in formal elections the cadres with more than squad leader and employees with more than 10 years of service vote. This kind of institutional arrangement aims to release the power to govern the enterprise to the employees layer by layer. All members have primary qualifications in the primary election, but only those who have a certain understanding of the enterprise, and have long been working in the enterprise and have a sense of belonging to the enterprise are talents which are officially eligible to vote.

In this system, the setting of the people who have the right to vote and the right to vote is different. The system design emphasizes that “employee qualification is higher than the qualification of the election”. Those who have the right to be elected have a broader requirement and a larger range of people to use. Even employees with shorter incumbents can have the right to be elected as cadres if they have outstanding ability. This system originally stipulated that employees with more than three years of service have the right to formally vote and be elected. Now, the system has evolved to where a talented person with one year of service can be elected. The people who enjoy the right to vote have stricter requirements and a smaller scope. The requirement is that employees who have entered the company for more than ten years and cadres with more than one squad leader have the right to vote because they understand the culture and overall situation of the company and pay attention to the development of the group. Where there is more emotional and identity then the voting will be more fair and just.

The efficiency of the industry will affect the income and welfare of the employees, and the employees will choose to vote for the capable people.

Sun Dawu said: "Because employees who have been working for more than 10 years are already in this social enterprise, they have already bought a house married and have children. Children have to go to school here. The elderly are going to support them here. They will continue to care for themselves here. They have formed a community of interests and destiny; so, of course, the people who want to be elected directors are reliable."

This set of electoral rights is designed to ensure that those who are capable will not be stuck at the grassroots level for years, prevents bribery, maintains the operation of democratic elections, and ensures that the elected management understands the enterprise which also includes management. Most of the employees within the company have important reasons for high psychological ownership because the Dawu Group is an organization that has long-term life, familiarity, intimacy and certain “control”.

3.  The energy, time, and effort invested by the individual in the individual's target causes the self and the target to be integrated thus creating a psychological ownership of the target. For entrepreneurs, they have invested a lot of time, energy, values, etc. in their own companies, and they have also gained economic or other returns, so they will feel psychological ownership of the company. Dawu Group not only empowers employees through institutional design, but also uses strategic planning to improve employees' recognition and ownership of the company.

The Dawu Group which was founded in 1984 in a remote and desolate countryside was free, independent and wild in the tide of reform and opening up, and started and developed by the hard work and sweat of local farmers.

Most of the Dawu Group's initial business focused on farming and animal husbandry. A considerable proportion of employees used to be farmers. Agricultural production requires employees to invest a lot of time and energy to produce. It may involve decades or a lifetime. Over time they naturally combine their own values with the results of breeding, the farm and animal husbandry so products are good and they are proud. It feels that their own investment has produced good results. These long-term employees who have a long working life are naturally responsible for their duties. Work and company generate a sense of identity.

For the ever-increasing group of employees, in order to allow employees to buy and settle on the ground based on local employment, building Dawucheng has become the strategic goal of Dawu Group. The Dawu Group proposed to build a community that has  “circular development in an endless life consumption chain. This was also the original intention of Dawu Group to build roads, build schools, build gymnasiums, build hospitals and build parks in the local area. From the transformation of enterprises, it has completed the industrial upgrading and transformation from the primary industry and the secondary industry to the tertiary industry.

The Dawu Group has invited nearby residents to participate in the community relations symposium which has become a tradition. Every year, the villagers are invited to see the changes and development of the group.

For employees, Dawucheng provides employees with living space and community, and has hospital, school and other security (welfare) agencies. Most of the employees' work and life are carried out in the Dawu Park. The employees of Dawu have contact with enterprises and colleagues. Far more than other companies, the level of familiarity with the group is also a three-pointer.

The Dawu Group's cadre backbone training class has a staff representative give a speech each session. Everyone will often express their sense of corporate identity, belonging, happiness and respect and honor on this enterprise platform. This sense of identity and belonging not only stems from the weakening of the power of leaders at all levels through the system, but also strengthens the participation and voice of employees in public affairs, and gives full play to the enthusiasm of all employees who are the bosses. It is also because the construction of “Dawucheng” makes it no longer a station for migrant workers, but a living home for employees. In Sun Dawu’s view it promotes  social security and harmony and industry. The business team is stable and the turnover rate is very low. Correspondingly, it will increase the productivity of Dawucheng.

In January 2018, the Dawu Group began to implement free medical care for all employees.

From an organizational point of view, Dawu Group's protection for employees is sufficient, which deepens the gratitude of employees, promotes the integration of employees themselves and the group, and allows them willingly to do well in the enterprise. There are three types of guarantees for the employees of the Great Lunch. The three types of protection systems focus on different groups, and the employees choose one. First, with regard to social security, the group handles social security for some employees according to the national social security standards, such as school teachers; second, the retirement system is for older employees who are about to retire, and can enjoy pensions according to their working years. In principle, the longer the working years, the more the pension is. If a worker works in the Dawu Group for 30 years, then after he retirees, the monthly pension can be more than 2,250 yuan. The third is the internal insurance system, which means that the company and employees pay in proportion to each other. The group has individual employee-specific pension fund accounts. The employees can enjoy the full interest of the account, and the profits can be calculated through profit. Finally, the individual can withdraw far higher than this. The amount of pension in gold, and the total pension in the afternoon is higher than the social security.

Individual employees invest time and energy. They agree with the organization of the business and the organization itself. The organization also favors the employees, and eliminates the worries of the employees with a sound security system, providing protection beyond the level of the county where the employees are located. This is also the employee's ownership of the enterprise, psychological ownership. 

(作者陈阳军为北京理工大学管理与经济学院工商管理硕士研究生。裴蓉是北京理工大学管理与经济学院教授, 北京理工大学中外家族企业联合研究中心主任。本文详见于【《家族企业》杂志2018年9月刊】 未经本刊授权,不得转载;经本刊授权转载的,请注明来源)





Sheng Hong: The exit of private enterprises denies the foundation of 40 years of reform and opening up

Sheng Hong



The most serious problem at present is that the property rights of private enterprises are not effectively protected. People with mastery of public power use means other than the market, such as political means or administrative means, to threaten, intimidate and retreat private enterprises, and even seize the property rights of private enterprises.


Sophie Richardson, the China director for Human Rights Watch, describes this app as the “central nervous system of surveillance” as it gathers data from various sources of monitoring that China has installed throughout Xinjiang, including closed-circuit and facial recognition cameras. May 2019

78 pages




Exposed: China’s Operating Manuals for Mass Internment and Arrest by Algorithm

Bethany Allen-Ebrahimian

November 24, 2019

A new leak of highly classified Chinese government documents reveals the operations manual for running the mass detention camps in Xinjiang and exposed the mechanics of the region’s system of mass surveillance.

The China Cables, obtained by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, include a classified list of guidelines, personally approved by the region’s top security chief, that effectively serves as a manual for operating the camps now holding hundreds of thousands of Muslim Uighurs and other minorities. The leak also features previously undisclosed intelligence briefings that reveal, in the government’s own words, how Chinese police are guided by a massive data collection and analysis system that uses artificial intelligence to select entire categories of Xinjiang residents for detention.



Watch: China Cables Exposes Chilling Details of Mass Detention in Xinjiang

Scilla Alecci

November 24, 2019

A new leak of classified Chinese government documents has exposed the secret details behind China’s mass detention camps.

The International Consortium of Investigative Journalist’s latest investigation, China Cables, marks a significant advance in the world’s knowledge about the largest mass internment of an ethnic-religious minority since World War II.

A leak of highly classified Chinese government documents, the China Cables, now reveal that since at least July 2016, Chinese authorities have been targeting users of the Zapya app, known in Chinese as Kuai Ya (fast tooth), as part of their crackdown against the Muslim Uighur population. Officials have closely monitored the app on some Uighurs’ phones and flagged its users for further investigation, according to leaked documents obtained by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists and shared with 17 media partners.



video on youtube.com 1:47 minutes



The Four Bulletins lay out the connection between mass surveillance and the Xinjiang camps

Bulletin #2


Bulletin #9

Bulletin #14


Bulletin #20



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伊犁唔萨克自治州党耍政法耍} 各地` 州` 市党耍玟法耍:

在打好反恐维稳 "组告奉” 和 钎三仗一战” 中, 对重点人员 集中开展免费职业技能款育培训, 是′项崴嘻性、 关犍性` 长期 性幸措口 为圭入贯彻落实自治匡党耍相关决覃部署, 进一步加强 和规范职业技能培训中啦 ( 以下茼称培训中啦〕 工作, 确保培训 坻所绝对安全, 捉高鞋育培圳质效} 最大限度教育、 挽救` 保护 重点人员, 捉迸圭疆社会稳定和长洽尻安, 根据相关法律法规, 在前期教育培圳工作揩导嵩见陋皋的基础上, 再捉出如下意 见口

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‘Absolutely No Mercy’: Leaked Files Expose How China Organized Mass Detentions of Muslims

More than 400 pages of internal Chinese documents provide an unprecedented inside look at the crackdown on ethnic minorities in the Xinjiang region.

By Austin Ramzy and Chris Buckley

November 16, 2019


HONG KONG — The students booked their tickets home at the end of the semester, hoping for a relaxing break after exams and a summer of happy reunions with family in China’s far west.

Instead, they would soon be told that their parents were gone, relatives had vanished and neighbors were missing — all of them locked up in an expanding network of detention camps built to hold Muslim ethnic minorities.

The authorities in the Xinjiang region worried the situation was a powder keg. And so they prepared.

The leadership distributed a classified directive advising local officials to corner returning students as soon as they arrived and keep them quiet. It included a chillingly bureaucratic guide for how to handle their anguished questions, beginning with the most obvious: Where is my family?


“They’re in a training school set up by the government,” the prescribed answer began. If pressed, officials were to tell students that their relatives were not criminals — yet could not leave these “schools.”


The question-and-answer script also included a barely concealed threat: Students were to be told that their behavior could either shorten or extend the detention of their relatives.


“I’m sure that you will support them, because this is for their own good,” officials were advised to say, “and also for your own good.”

The directive was among 403 pages of internal documents that have been shared with The New York Times in one of the most significant leaks of government papers from inside China’s ruling Communist Party in decades. They provide an unprecedented inside view of the continuing clampdown in Xinjiang, in which the authorities have corralled as many as a million ethnic Uighurs, Kazakhs and others into internment camps and prisons over the past three years.


Document: What Chinese Officials Told

Children Whose Families Were Put in Camps

NOV. 16, 2019

This document, part of 403 pages obtained by The New York Times, tells Chinese officials in Xinjiang how to explain the disappearance of parents and families detained in camps built to hold Muslim minorities. Anguished students asking about their parents were told they had nothing to worry about.

Leaked Files Expose How China Organized Mass Detentions of Muslims

Q. and A. Script



Tactics from Turpan City for answering questions asked by the children of concentrated education and training school


1. Where are my family members?

They’re in a training school set up by the government to undergo collective systematic training, study and instruction. They have very good conditions for studying and living there, and you have nothing to worry about. Tuition for their period of study is free and so are food and living costs, and the standards are quite high. The provision for food is 21 yuan or more a day — that’s even better than the living standards that some students have back home. Our officials accompany them at study every day, offering counseling and assistance, and they eat the same food and live in the same dormitories, so you have absolutely no need to worry about how they’re doing. If you want to see them, we can arrange for you to have a video meeting.


5 Takeaways From the Leaked Files on China’s Mass Detention of Muslims

The New York Times

By Austin Ramzy

Nov. 16, 2019

Updated 12:50 p.m. ET

Hundreds of pages of internal papers offer new insight into how the program began, how it was justified even as the damage it caused was clear, and how some officials resisted it.


孙大午, Sun Dawu, 刘会茹,Dawu Group, 私营企业主立宪制度, 大午农牧集团有限公司,河北省,徐水县郎,五庄,2020年11月11日,November 11,2020,1911,辛亥革命,孫德明, 三民主义,Unirule,天则经济研究所,茅于轼,土地扣押,农民,农业集体 伦理资,本主义,D.Carlton Rossi,拆迁,寻衅滋事,709案,709大抓捕,警察,保护伞.

Sun Dawu, Sun Dawu, Liu Huiru, Dawu Group, Private Entrepreneur Constitutional System, Dawu Agriculture and Animal Husbandry Group Co., Ltd.,Langwuzhuang, Xushui County, Hebei Province, November 11, 2020, November 11,2020,1911,Xinhai Revolution,Sun Deming,Three Principles of the People,Unirule, Tianze Economic Research Institute,Mao Yushi,land seizure,farmers,agricultural collective,ethical capitalism,D. Carlton Rossi,demolition and relocation,picking quarrels and provoking troubles,709 case,709 crackdown,police,protective umbrella.